Loveartnotpeople.blog

Scroll Down for the English Version

La reciente visita de Lula a Cristina Fernández de Kirchner adquiere un nuevo sentido en el contexto de la carta enviada por Donald Trump al presidente brasileño, exigiendo la liberación de su aliado ideológico Jair Bolsonaro.

Tweet

La reciente visita de Lula a Cristina Fernández de Kirchner adquiere un nuevo sentido en el contexto de la carta enviada por Donald Trump al presidente brasileño, exigiendo la liberación de su aliado ideológico Jair Bolsonaro. Trump, que enfrenta cargos por intentar revertir el resultado de las elecciones en EE.UU., encuentra en Bolsonaro un espejo: ambos desafiaron las reglas democráticas y empujaron sus países al borde del golpe de Estado. Sin embargo, mientras la justicia brasileña avanza con mayor firmeza, en EE.UU. el proceso parece más vacilante, y en Argentina, directamente inexistente.

La carta de Trump —improcedente y de tono imperial— representa una injerencia inaceptable en un país soberano con división de poderes. Pero también revela una contradicción profunda en su aparente neoaislacionismo: ¿cómo conciliar ese supuesto repliegue con una presión directa que recuerda a los viejos tutelajes imperiales? Lula no se quedó callado. Respondió que Brasil no acepta “ningún tipo de tutela”, y denunció el gesto como una amenaza a su soberanía institucional.

El problema se agrava con la decisión de Trump de imponer una tarifa del 50% a las importaciones de Brasil. ¿Qué significa esto? Que el norteamericano promedio deberá pagar el doble por su café matutino, motor bioquímico de una sociedad adicta al trabajo. Esta “insurrection infusion fee”, como la llaman con ironía sectores demócratas, penaliza al consumidor estadounidense en nombre de un gesto de lealtad con un aliado golpista. Un absurdo que delata la creciente primacía de la ideología sobre la lógica económica.

“The Insurrection Infusion Fee” hará que el norteamericano promedio deba pagar el doble por su café matutino, motor bioquímico de una sociedad adicta al trabajo.

Tweet

Este conflicto revela una operación simbólica profunda: Trump polariza no sólo a su país sino al mundo, vinculando su figura a la protección de los súper ricos y al desprecio por las reglas institucionales. En respuesta, Lula convocó a su gabinete, anunció una demanda ante la OMC y consolidó su imagen internacional como referente del sur global. Las manifestaciones en São Paulo contra Trump, frente al MAM, quemando su imagen y reclamando impuestos a las grandes fortunas, muestran que el progresismo latinoamericano ha dejado de ser pasivo.

Se arma un progresismo internacional liderado por China (!!!) con Lula como referente.

Tweet

En paralelo, mientras EE.UU. sanciona y presiona, China avanza. En la reciente cumbre de la CELAC en Beijing, con la presencia de Boric y Lula, se consolidó un nuevo eje geopolítico. Desde el año 2000, el comercio entre América Latina y China se multiplicó por más de 40. Hoy, salvo Colombia y Ecuador, todos los países de Sudamérica tienen a China como principal socio comercial. El corredor bioceánico Capricornio —que conectará Santos con Iquique atravesando Paraguay, Jujuy y Salta— consolida la integración regional al Asia-Pacífico sin pasar por servidores ni puertos estadounidenses. Buenos Aires queda aislada, simbólica y logísticamente. La decadencia de su infraestructura bajo Milei contrasta con la inversión china. La Argentina, mientras tanto, mandó a la cumbre una delegación de tercer nivel. Y Estados Unidos, en una muestra de desdén, envió a su coordinador de sanciones… justo cuando Lula estaba en China.

El corredor bioceánico Capricornio —que conectará Santos con Iquique atravesando Paraguay, Jujuy y Salta— consolida la integración regional al Asia-Pacífico sin pasar por servidores ni puertos estadounidenses. Buenos Aires queda aislada. Brillante.

Tweet

China,paradigma de la paz. Estados Unidos, agente de guerra. China como aliado del desarrollo. EE.UU, del castigo. La pregunta no es si China invadirá Taiwán, sino si EE.UU usarà el sur como campo de batalla.

Tweet

Y ahí entra Javier Milei. ¿Cuál es su rol? No gobernar, sino participar como operador periférico de la alt-right global. Cuando quiso imponer un DNU de más de 600 artículos sin pasar por el Congreso, mostró su desprecio por las formas democráticas. Cuando ese decreto fue resistido, insultó a los legisladores, los llamó ratas, ensobrados, corruptos. Cuando se trató la Ley Bases, recortó comisiones, apretó votos como el del senador preso en Paraguay. Cuando no alcanzó, vetó. Y cuando vetar no bastó, judicializó para ganar tiempo.

Y ahí entra Javier Milei. ¿Cuál es su rol? No gobernar, sino participar como operador periférico de la alt-right global.

Tweet

El gobierno llegó incluso a apelar a la violencia para disolver sesiones, como ocurrió recientemente con el diputado Espert. Pero lo más grave ocurrió cuando Patricia Bullrich, ministra de Seguridad, exigió públicamente a Victoria Villarruel que levantara una sesión del Senado, intentando cerrarlo por Twitter. La encargada de las fuerzas de seguridad, que debería garantizar el funcionamiento institucional, promovía activamente su interrupción. Bullrich no lo hizo sola, sino como engranaje de un gobierno que sólo sabe acelerar. Un gobierno que necesita el grito para imponer el silencio. Que necesita un Congreso callado para que su palabra sea ley.

Patricia Bullrich, ministra de Seguridad, exigió públicamente a Victoria Villarruel que levantara una sesión del Senado, intentando cerrarlo por Twitter. Eso es golpismo.

Tweet

Y si algún día hubiera que dar un golpe, esa es la voz que lo articularía: la de Bullrich, la ministra de Seguridad. Como en Brasil. Como en EE.UU. ¿Y entonces? La pregunta geopolítica para el siglo XXI ya no es si China invadirá Taiwán. La pregunta es si Estados Unidos volverá a invadir América Latina… con Milei abriéndole la puerta.

Trump, Lula, Milei and the New Hemispheric War: Will Taiwan or Latin America Be the Next Front?

Lula’s visit to Cristina Fernández de Kirchner has taken on a new geopolitical meaning in the context of Donald Trump’s recent letter to Lula demanding the release of his far-right ally Jair Bolsonaro. Both Trump and Bolsonaro were convicted for attempting to cling to power after losing their respective elections—in other words, for coup attempts. Yet while Brazil’s judiciary appears to have acted swiftly and independently, the same cannot be said of the U.S., and even less of Argentina.

Lula’s visit to Cristina Fernández de Kirchner has taken on a new geopolitical meaning in the context of Donald Trump’s recent letter to Lula demanding the release of his far-right ally Jair Bolsonaro.

Tweet

Trump’s letter to Lula is problematic not only because it demands interference in a sovereign judiciary, but also because it reveals a contradiction in Trump’s alleged neo-isolationism. His demand functions as imperial tutelage, as Lula himself noted. To punish Brazil, Trump imposed a 50% tariff on Brazilian imports—raising the price of Starbucks coffee, a staple of American work culture, by at least half. In other words, he’s forcing U.S. consumers to pay more just to defend a friend accused of staging a coup. Some Democrats have called this new tariff the “insurrection infusion fee.”

To punish Brazil, Trump imposed a 50% tariff on Brazilian imports—raising the price of Starbucks coffee, a staple of American work culture, by at least half.

Tweet

Brazil is a key trade partner for the U.S., but to impose these tariffs, Trump needs to declare a state of emergency. His reasoning? The “emergency” is Bolsonaro’s imprisonment. Meanwhile, Argentina’s Milei is playing the role of Trump’s errand boy in the global far-right network, as Europe’s Giorgia Meloni has stepped away from Trumpism. While Brazil is experiencing an economic crisis, the parallels between Trump’s Capitol riot and Bolsonaro’s assault on the Planalto are becoming clearer. Brazil is also a core BRICS member—an alliance Trump dislikes and has already sanctioned with 10% tariffs.

Meanwhile, Argentina’s Milei is playing the role of Trump’s errand boy in the global far-right network, as Europe’s Giorgia Meloni has stepped away from Trumpism.

Tweet

Lula has called a cabinet meeting and will take the matter to the World Trade Organization (WTO)—an institution once maligned by the Latin American left. Protests are already erupting in São Paulo, where thousands burned photos of Trump. One rally, which demanded taxes on the ultra-rich, mirrors similar movements growing in the UK. Trump is successfully polarizing global society, becoming a symbol of elite privilege and tax cuts for the wealthy.

Yet Lula holds majorities in both chambers of Brazil’s Congress and enjoys regional leadership through CELAC (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States), which met this week in China with Boric and Lula in attendance. The geopolitical balance of the world is shifting. The Brazil-China trade relationship has intensified dramatically: trade between Latin America and China has multiplied over 40 times since 2000. China is now the main trade partner for all South American countries—except Colombia and Ecuador.

The Brazil-China trade relationship has intensified dramatically: trade between Latin America and China has multiplied over 40 times since 2000. China is now the main trade partner for all South American countries

Tweet

Lula’s visit to China reinforced the demand for mutual respect. Latin America is no longer the U.S.’s backyard. While Latinos are demonized in the U.S., China is funding co-development projects and speaking of fair global governance. Unlike the U.S., China rejects the use of force in foreign relations and promotes cooperation. The dollar is no longer the undisputed global currency. Meanwhile, Argentina sent only a low-level delegation to China, isolating itself diplomatically. The U.S. sent its sanctions coordinator—while Lula was abroad.

China now emerges as a paradigm of peace, while the U.S. is increasingly seen as a trigger for conflict. The key question: will China prioritize Taiwan or Latin America? As things stand, Latin America is central to China’s emerging global hegemony.

Tweet

This is exemplified by the Bioceanic Capricorn Corridor, a new optical-fibre and trade route connecting the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans without relying on U.S. servers. It will link Santos (Brazil) to Iquique (Chile) via Argentina, Paraguay, and Peru—reviving the colonial Northern Argentine route and hastening Buenos Aires’ symbolic decline. In this vacuum, China steps in where Milei fails.

This is exemplified by the Bioceanic Capricorn Corridor, a new optical-fibre and trade route connecting the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans without relying on U.S. servers.

Tweet

In the U.S., students are expelled. In China, scholarships are multiplied. Incredibly, Trump has helped improve China’s global image. Meanwhile, Milei is doing his part as Latin America’s local proxy in the global far-right experiment. Let’s recall that Milei attempted to govern without Congress through an Executive Decree (DNU) of over 600 articles, spanning every imaginable policy area. When the decree stalled in Congress, he accused legislators of being “rats” and “corrupt.” When the Base Law reached the Senate, it was only sent to four commissions instead of the dozen it required. Voting was done in blocks to avoid debate. When votes were missing, Milei pressured or “bought” them—infamously with cases like Senator Cuéllar (now imprisoned in Paraguay), Senator Crexel, and Senator Vischi, who flip-flopped shamelessly.

In the U.S., students are expelled. In China, scholarships are multiplied. Incredibly, Trump has helped improve China’s global image. Meanwhile, Milei is doing his part as Latin America’s local proxy in the global far-right experiment.

Tweet

When he couldn’t coerce Congress into submission, Milei simply vetoed legislation he disliked, and celebrated with a barbecue among those who helped him preserve the veto. And when all else failed, his government resorted to violence to disrupt sessions, using MPs like Espert to provoke chaos so that Martín Menem could suspend debate. In the Senate, Senator Atauche openly stated: “I won’t convene the committee because if I do, they’ll issue a ruling.”

On July 10, Milei suffered seven consecutive legislative defeats, many by over two-thirds of the vote. It was a historic collapse. Even Milei now admits that judicializing his agenda is just a way to buy time. He no longer expects legal victories—just delays. As he said, “Even if the worst-case scenario comes true and a judge acts quickly, the damage they could do would be minimal.”

The slip is telling: Milei fears quick judicial responses, not unfavourable ones—he knows he’s already lost the legal argument. The only strategy left is to delay. His government is desperate.

And in the background, the spectre of a soft coup looms. When the session began and the government knew it was headed for defeat, Security Minister Patricia Bullrich took to Twitter, urging Vice President Victoria Villarruel to suspend the Senate session. Bullrich literally told her: “Get up and shut it down.” Later that night, she repeated the message in an interview.

Bullrich is not just a cabinet minister—she controls the security forces. And if a coup attempt were to be engineered, she would likely be the one to orchestrate it. After all, this method—executive acceleration and institutional sabotage—is a known Trumpian tactic.

So the question China must now consider is: Will the next global battleground be Taiwan… or Latin America?

sumate como miembro pago y hace todos mis cursos en mi canal de youtube. Cliqueá en la imagen debajo para acceder al area de miembros